President Obama Addresses the British Parliament

Speaker:Mr. President,ladies and gentlemen, history is more than the path left by the past. It influences the presentand can shape the future. We meet today in Westminster Hall, a building begun 900 years agowhen the Vikings were visiting the shores of what wouldbecome the United States, even if it was Columbus whowould subsequently demonstrate the politician's artof arriving late, but claiming all the credit. (laughter) This hall has witnessed grimtrials in the sentencing to death of a king, coronationbanquets, ceremonial addresses, and the coffins of thosereceiving the last respects of our people. Few places reach so far intothe heart of our nation. Yet until today, no Americanpresident has stood on these steps to address ourcountry's Parliament. It is my honor, Mr. President,to welcome you as our friend and as a statesman. Statesmanship is the cementwhich seals our shared idealism as nations. It makes meaningful the unity ofambition, passion for freedom, and abhorrence of injusticethat is the call of our close alliance. It has fallen to you to tackleeconomic turbulence at home, to protect the healthof those without wealth, and to seek that preciousbalance between security which is too often threatened, andhuman rights which are too often denied. History is not the burden ofany one man or woman alone. But some are called tomeet a special share of it's challenges. It is a duty that you dischargewith a dignity, determination, and distinction thatare widely admired. Abraham Lincoln once observedthat nearly all men can stand adversity. But if you want to test a man'scharacter, give him power.

 Ladies and gentlemen, thePresident of the United States of America, Barack Obama. (applause) 

President Obama:Thank you very much. (applause) Thank you very much. Thank you. (applause) Thank you. (applause) Thank you so much. (applause) My Lord Chancellor, Mr. Speaker,Mr. Prime Minister, my lords, and members of theHouse of Commons: I have known few greater honorsthan the opportunity to address the Mother of Parliamentsat Westminster Hall. I am told that the last threespeakers here have been the Pope, Her Majesty theQueen, and Nelson Mandela -- which is either a very highbar or the beginning of a very funny joke. (laughter) I come here today toreaffirm one of the oldest, one of the strongest alliancesthe world has ever known. It's long been said that theUnited States and the United Kingdom share aspecial relationship. And since we also share anespecially active press corps, that relationship is oftenanalyzed and overanalyzed for the slightest hintof stress or strain. Of course, all relationshipshave their ups and downs. Admittedly, ours got off on thewrong foot with a small scrape about tea and taxes. (laughter) There may also have beensome hurt feelings when the White House was set on fireduring the War of 1812. (laughter) But fortunately, it's beensmooth sailing ever since. The reason for this closefriendship doesn't just have to do with our shared history,our shared heritage; our ties of languageand culture; or even the strong partnershipbetween our governments. Our relationship is specialbecause of the values and beliefs that have unitedour people through the ages. Centuries ago, whenkings, emperors, and warlords reignedover much of the world, it was the English who firstspelled out the rights and liberties of manin the Magna Carta. It was here, in this very hall,where the rule of law first developed, courtswere established, disputes were settled, andcitizens came to petition their leaders. Over time, the people ofthis nation waged a long and sometimes bloody struggleto expand and secure their freedom from the crown. Propelled by the idealsof the Enlightenment, they would ultimately forgean English Bill of Rights, and invest the power to governin an elected parliament that's gathered here today. What began on this island wouldinspire millions throughout the continent of Europeand across the world. But perhaps no one drew greaterinspiration from these notions of freedom than yourrabble-rousing colonists on the other sideof the Atlantic. As Winston Churchillsaid, the "...Magna Carta, the Bill of Rights, HabeasCorpus, trial by jury, and English common law findtheir most famous expression in the American Declarationof Independence." For both of our nations, livingup to the ideals enshrined in these founding documents hassometimes been difficult, has always been awork in progress. The path has never been perfect. But through the strugglesof slaves and immigrants, women and ethnic minorities,former colonies and persecuted religions, we have learnedbetter than most that the longing for freedom and humandignity is not English or American or Western-- it is universal, and it beats in every heart. Perhaps that's why there arefew nations that stand firmer, speak louder, and fight harderto defend democratic values around the world than the UnitedStates and the United Kingdom. We are the allies wholanded at Omaha and Gold, who sacrificed side by side tofree a continent from the march of tyranny, and help prosperityflourish from the ruins of war. And with the founding ofNATO -- a British idea -- we joined a transatlanticalliance that has ensured our security for overhalf a century. Together with our allies,we forged a lasting peace from a cold war. When the Iron Curtain lifted, weexpanded our alliance to include the nations of Centraland Eastern Europe, and built new bridges to Russiaand the former states of the Soviet Union. And when there wasstrife in the Balkans, we worked togetherto keep the peace. Today, after a difficult decadethat began with war and ended in recession, our nations havearrived at a pivotal moment once more. A global economy that once stoodon the brink of depression is now stable and recovering. After years of conflict, theUnited States has removed 100,000 troops from Iraq, theUnited Kingdom has removed its forces, and our combatmission there has ended. In Afghanistan, we've broken theTaliban's momentum and will soon begin a transitionto Afghan lead. And nearly 10 years after 9/11,we have disrupted terrorist networks and dealt al Qaeda ahuge blow by killing its leader -- Osama bin Laden. Together, we havemet great challenges. But as we enter this newchapter in our shared history, profound challengesstretch out before us. In a world where the prosperityof all nations is now inextricably linked, a new eraof cooperation is required to ensure the growth and stabilityof the global economy. As new threats spreadacross borders and oceans, we must dismantle terroristnetworks and stop the spread of nuclear weapons, confrontclimate change and combat famine and disease. And as a revolution racesthrough the streets of the Middle East and North Africa,the entire world has a stake in the aspirations of ageneration that longs to determine its own destiny. These challenges come at a timewhen the international order has already been reshapedfor a new century. Countries like China, India,and Brazil are growing by leaps and bounds. We should welcomethis development, for it has lifted hundreds ofmillions from poverty around the globe, and created newmarkets and opportunities for our own nations. And yet, as this rapidchange has taken place, it's become fashionable in somequarters to question whether the rise of these nations willaccompany the decline of American and Europeaninfluence around the world. Perhaps, the argument goes,these nations represent the future, and the time forour leadership has passed. That argument is wrong. The time for ourleadership is now. It was the United States andthe United Kingdom and our democratic allies that shaped aworld in which new nations could emerge and individualscould thrive. And even as more nations take onthe responsibilities of global leadership, our alliance willremain indispensable to the goal of a century thatis more peaceful, more prosperous and more just. At a time when threats andchallenges require nations to work in concertwith one another, we remain the greatestcatalysts for global action. In an era defined by therapid flow of commerce and information, it is our freemarket tradition, our openness, fortified by our commitment tobasic security for our citizens, that offers the best chanceof prosperity that is both strong and shared. As millions are still deniedtheir basic human rights because of who they are, orwhat they believe, or the kind of governmentthat they live under, we are the nations most willingto stand up for the values of tolerance and self-determinationthat lead to peace and dignity. Now, this doesn't mean wecan afford to stand still. The nature of our leadership willneed to change with the times. As I said the first time Icame to London as President, for the G20 summit, the daysare gone when Roosevelt and Churchill could sit in a roomand solve the world's problems over a glass of brandy --although I'm sure that Prime Minister Cameron would agreethat some days we could both use a stiff drink. (laughter) In this century, our jointleadership will require building new partnerships,adapting to new circumstances, and remaking ourselves to meetthe demands of a new era. That begins with oureconomic leadership. Adam Smith's central insightremains true today: There is no greater generator of wealth andinnovation than a system of free enterprise that unleashes thefull potential of individual men and women. That's what led to theIndustrial Revolution that began in the factories of Manchester. That is what led to the dawn ofthe Information Age that arose from the office parksof Silicon Valley. That's why countries like China,India and Brazil are growing so rapidly -- becausein fits and starts, they are moving towardmarket-based principles that the United States and the UnitedKingdom have always embraced. In other words, we live in aglobal economy that is largely of our own making. And today, the competition forthe best jobs and industries favors countries thatare free-thinking and forward-looking; countries withthe most creative and innovative and entrepreneurial citizens. That gives nations like theUnited States and the United Kingdom an inherent advantage. For from Newton and Darwinto Edison and Einstein, from Alan Turing to Steve Jobs,we have led the world in our commitment to science andcutting-edge research, the discovery of newmedicines and technologies. We educate our citizens andtrain our workers in the best colleges anduniversities on Earth. But to maintain this advantagein a world that's more competitive than ever, we willhave to redouble our investments in science and engineering, andrenew our national commitments to educating our workforces. We've also been reminded in thelast few years that markets can sometimes fail. In the last century, both ournations put in place regulatory frameworks to deal with suchmarket failures -- safeguards to protect the banking systemafter the Great Depression, for example; regulations thatwere established to prevent the pollution of our air andour water during the 1970s. But in today's economy, suchthreats of market failure can no longer be contained withinthe borders of any one country. Market failures can goglobal, and go viral, and demand international responses. A financial crisis that beganon Wall Street infected nearly every continent, which is why wemust keep working through forums like the G20 to put in placeglobal rules of the road to prevent futureexcesses and abuse. No country can hide from thedangers of carbon pollution, which is why we must build onwhat was achieved at Copenhagen and Cancun to leave ourchildren a planet that is safer and cleaner. Moreover, even when the freemarket works as it should, both our countries recognizethat no matter how responsibly we live in our lives,hard times or bad luck, a crippling illness or a layoffmay strike any one of us. And so part of our commontradition has expressed itself in a conviction that everycitizen deserves a basic measure of security -- healthcare if you get sick, unemployment insuranceif you lose your job, a dignified retirement aftera lifetime of hard work. That commitment to our citizenshas also been the reason for our leadership in the world. And now, having come througha terrible recession, our challenge is to meet theseobligations while ensuring that we're not consuming -- and henceconsumed -- with a level of debt that could sap the strengthand vitality of our economies. And that will require difficultchoices and it will require different paths forboth of our countries. But we have faced suchchallenges before, and have always been able tobalance the need for fiscal responsibility with theresponsibilities we have to one another. And I believe wecan do this again. As we do, the successes andfailures of our own past can serve as an example for emergingeconomies -- that it's possible to grow without polluting; thatlasting prosperity comes not from what a nation consumes,but from what it produces, and from the investmentsit makes in its people and its infrastructure. And just as we must lead onbehalf of the prosperity of our citizens, so we mustsafeguard their security. Our two nations know what it isto confront evil in the world. Hitler's armies would not havestopped their killing had we not fought them on the beachesand on the landing grounds, in the fields andon the streets. We must never forget that therewas nothing inevitable about our victory in that terrible war. It was won through the courageand character of our people. Precisely because we arewilling to bear its burden, we know well the cost of war. And that is why we built analliance that was strong enough to defend this continentwhile deterring our enemies. At its core, NATO is rooted inthe simple concept of Article Five: that no NATO nationwill have to fend on its own; that allies will standby one another, always. And for six decades, NATOhas been the most successful alliance in human history. Today, we confronta different enemy. Terrorists have taken the livesof our citizens in New York and in London. And while al Qaeda seeks areligious war with the West, we must remember that they havekilled thousands of Muslims -- men, women and children-- around the globe. Our nations are not and willnever be at war with Islam. Our fight is focused ondefeating al Qaeda and its extremist allies. In that effort, wewill not relent, as Osama bin Laden and hisfollowers have learned. And as we fight an enemythat respects no law of war, we will continue to holdourselves to a higher standard -- by living up to the values,the rule of law and due process that we so ardently defend. For almost a decade, Afghanistanhas been a central front of these efforts. Throughout those years,you, the British people, have been a stalwart ally, alongwith so many others who fight by our side. Together, let us pay tribute toall of our men and women who have served and sacrificed overthe last several years -- for they are part of an unbrokenline of heroes who have borne the heaviest burden for thefreedoms that we enjoy. Because of them, we havebroken the Taliban's momentum. Because of them, we havebuilt the capacity of Afghan security forces. And because of them, we are nowpreparing to turn a corner in Afghanistan by transitioningto Afghan lead. And during this transition, wewill pursue a lasting peace with those who break free of alQaeda and respect the Afghan constitution and lay down arms. And we will ensure thatAfghanistan is never a safe haven for terror, but is insteada country that is strong, sovereign, and able tostand on its own two feet. Indeed, our efforts in thisyoung century have led us to a new concept for NATO that willgive us the capabilities needed to meet new threats -- threatslike terrorism and piracy, cyber attacks andballistic missiles. But a revitalized NATO willcontinue to hew to that original vision of its founders, allowingus to rally collective action for the defense of our people,while building upon the broader belief of Roosevelt andChurchill that all nations have both rights andresponsibilities, and all nations share a commoninterest in an international architecture thatmaintains the peace. We also share a common interestin stopping the spread of nuclear weapons. Across the globe, nations arelocking down nuclear materials so they never fall intothe wrong hands -- because of our leadership. From North Korea to Iran, we'vesent a message that those who flaunt their obligations willface consequences -- which is why America and the EuropeanUnion just recently strengthened our sanctions on Iran, in largepart because of the leadership of the United Kingdomand the United States. And while we holdothers to account, we will meet our own obligationsunder the Non-Proliferation Treaty, and strive for a worldwithout nuclear weapons. We share a common interest inresolving conflicts that prolong human suffering and threatento tear whole regions asunder. In Sudan, after years ofwar and thousands of deaths, we call on both North and Southto pull back from the brink of violence and choosethe path of peace. And in the Middle East, we standunited in our support for a secure Israel and asovereign Palestine. And we share a common interestin development that advances dignity and security. To succeed, we must castaside the impulse to look at impoverished parts of theglobe as a place for charity. Instead, we should empower thesame forces that have allowed our own people to thrive: Weshould help the hungry to feed themselves, the doctorswho care for the sick. We should support countriesthat confront corruption, and allow theirpeople to innovate. And we should advance the truththat nations prosper when they allow women and girls toreach their full potential. We do these things because webelieve not simply in the rights of nations; we believe inthe rights of citizens. That is the beacon that guidedus through our fight against fascism and our twilightstruggle against communism. And today, that idea is beingput to the test in the Middle East and North Africa. In country after country,people are mobilizing to free themselves from thegrip of an iron fist. And while these movements forchange are just six months old, we have seen them play outbefore -- from Eastern Europe to the Americas, from SouthAfrica to Southeast Asia. History tells us thatdemocracy is not easy. It will be years before theserevolutions reach their conclusion, and there will bedifficult days along the way. Power rarely gives up without afight -- particularly in places where there are divisions oftribe and divisions of sect. We also know that populism cantake dangerous turns -- from the extremism of those who woulduse democracy to deny minority rights, to the nationalism thatleft so many scars on this continent in the 20th century. But make no mistake:What we saw, what we are seeing in Tehran,in Tunis, in Tahrir Square, is a longing for the samefreedoms that we take for granted here at home. It was a rejection of the notionthat people in certain parts of the world don't want to befree, or need to have democracy imposed upon them. It was a rebuke to theworldview of al Qaeda, which smothers therights of individuals, and would thereby subjectthem to perpetual poverty and violence. Let there be no doubt: TheUnited States and United Kingdom stand squarely on the side ofthose who long to be free. And now, we must show thatwe will back up those words with deeds. That means investing in thefuture of those nations that transition to democracy,starting with Tunisia and Egypt -- by deepening tiesof trade and commerce; by helping them demonstratethat freedom brings prosperity. And that means standingup for universal rights -- by sanctioning thosewho pursue repression, strengthening civilsociety, supporting the rights of minorities. We do this knowing that the Westmust overcome suspicion and mistrust among many in theMiddle East and North Africa -- a mistrust that isrooted in a difficult past. For years, we've faced chargesof hypocrisy from those who do not enjoy the freedomsthat they hear us espouse. And so to them, we mustsquarely acknowledge that, yes, we have enduring interests inthe region -- to fight terror, sometimes with partnerswho may not be perfect; to protect against disruptionsof the world's energy supply. But we must also insist thatwe reject as false the choice between our interestsand our ideals; between stability and democracy. For our idealism is rooted inthe realities of history -- that repression offers only thefalse promise of stability, that societies are moresuccessful when their citizens are free, and that democraciesare the closest allies we have. It is that truth thatguides our action in Libya. It would have been easy at theoutset of the crackdown in Libya to say that none of this wasour business -- that a nation's sovereignty is more importantthan the slaughter of civilians within its borders. That argument carriesweight with some. But we are different. We embrace a broader responsibility. And while we cannotstop every injustice, there are circumstances that cutthrough our caution -- when a leader is threateningto massacre his people, and the international communityis calling for action. That's why we stoppeda massacre in Libya. And we will not relent until thepeople of Libya are protected and the shadow oftyranny is lifted. We will proceed with humility,and the knowledge that we cannot dictate every outcome abroad. Ultimately, freedom must bewon by the people themselves, not imposed from without. But we can and must standwith those who so struggle. Because we have always believedthat the future of our children and grandchildren will be betterif other people's children and grandchildren are moreprosperous and more free -- from the beaches of Normandyto the Balkans to Benghazi. That is our interestsand our ideals. And if we fail to meetthat responsibility, who would take our place,and what kind of world would we pass on? Our action -- our leadership-- is essential to the cause of human dignity. And so we mustact -- and lead -- with confidence in our ideals,and an abiding faith in the character of our people,who sent us all here today. For there is one final qualitythat I believe makes the United States and the UnitedKingdom indispensable to this moment in history. And that is how we defineourselves as nations. Unlike most countriesin the world, we do not define citizenshipbased on race or ethnicity. Being American or British is notabout belonging to a certain group; it's about believingin a certain set of ideals -- the rights of individuals,the rule of law. That is why we hold incrediblediversity within our borders. That's why there are peoplearound the world right now who believe that ifthey come to America, if they come to New York,if they come to London, if they work hard, they canpledge allegiance to our flag and call themselves Americans;if they come to England, they can make a new life forthemselves and can sing God Save The Queen justlike any other citizen. Yes, our diversitycan lead to tension. And throughout our history therehave been heated debates about immigration and assimilationin both of our countries. But even as thesedebates can be difficult, we fundamentally recognize thatour patchwork heritage is an enormous strength -- that ina world which will only grow smaller and more interconnected,the example of our two nations says it is possible for peopleto be united by their ideals, instead of dividedby their differences; that it's possible for hearts tochange and old hatreds to pass; that it's possible for the sonsand daughters of former colonies to sit here as membersof this great Parliament, and for the grandson of a Kenyanwho served as a cook in the British Army to standbefore you as President of the United States. (applause) That is what defines us. That is why the young men andwomen in the streets of Damascus and Cairo still reach for therights our citizens enjoy, even if they sometimesdiffer with our policies. As two of the most powerfulnations in the history of the world, we must always rememberthat the true source of our influence hasn't just beenthe size of our economies, or the reach of our militaries,or the land that we've claimed. It has been the values that wemust never waver in defending around the world -- the ideathat all beings are endowed by our Creator with certainrights that cannot be denied. That is what forged our bondin the fire of war -- a bond made manifest by thefriendship between two of our greatest leaders. Churchill and Roosevelthad their differences. They were keen observers ofeach other's blind spots and shortcomings, if notalways their own, and they were hard-headedabout their ability to remake the world. But what joined the fates ofthese two men at that particular moment in history was not simplya shared interest in victory on the battlefield. It was a shared belief in theultimate triumph of human freedom and human dignity -- aconviction that we have a say in how this story ends. This conviction lives onin their people today. The challenges weface are great. The work before us is hard. But we have come througha difficult decade, and whenever the tests andtrials ahead may seem too big or too many, let usturn to their example, and the words that Churchillspoke on the day that Europe was freed: "In thelong years to come, not only will the people of thisisland but...the world, wherever the bird of freedomchirps in the human heart, look back to what we've done,and they will say 'do not despair, do not yield...march straightforward.'" With courage and purpose,with humility and with hope, with faith in thepromise of tomorrow, let us marchstraightforward together, enduring allies in the cause ofa world that is more peaceful, more prosperous, and more just. Thank you very much. (applause) Speaker:Mr. President, I think thatresponse describes far more eloquently than any words ofmine could do how much that very memorable and inspiring addresswas appreciated by everybody who heard it here today. You spoke -- (applause) You spoke with great warmthand great generosity about the British Parliament and theBritish people and about the links that bind us, thevalues and the traditions that we share. The history that we haveexperienced together. But more than that, youspoke too not just of the relationships of the past, butthe relationships of the future. And I think that was what madewhat you said so inspirational. It was a distinguished Americangovernor of New York who remarked on the propensity ofpoliticians to campaign in poetry, but to govern in prose. The world you described to ustoday was not just one that is prosaic; it was one where thechallenges are difficult and sometimes dangerous. One that is fastmoving, that is complex, sometimes contradictory. And that offers at least asmany threats as opportunities. But in the eloquenceof your address, you reminded us of theimportance of maintaining the poetry in government. Because to lead, thatpoetry is necessary. Necessary not only toarticulate the challenges, as you did so masterfully. But also to bring otherstogether to face those challenges with commonprinciples and with shared purpose. Mr. President, it has been aprivilege for all of us to hear you speak today. It is a privilege for me to havethe responsibility of thanking you on behalf of bothHouses of Parliament, for coming to Westminster, andto wish you and Mrs. Obama a very happy and pleasantrest of your stay in the United Kingdom. Thank you so much. (applause)